Schroeder woos China with G8
Even before his arrival in China this week, German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder went out of his way to impress his Beijing hosts with a declaration of support for China's entry into the G8 forum of seven leading industrialised nations plus Russia.
But he faced criticism at home for appearing to concentrate on selling German goods and bolstering China's international standing instead speaking out on human rights.
Already under attack for punching a hole in his government's own commitment to a more 'ethical' foreign policy, by pressing ahead with a tank delivery to Turkey, despite its poor human rights record, he is now under pressure to be more outspoken on China.
His first public statements, however, gave little hope that he would return to the ethical foreign policy course of balancing trade with human rights, which he and other left-of-centre European governments have set so much store by.
'In the medium term,' he told a group of startled businessmen and journalists travelling with him through Japan on the first leg of his Asian tour, 'it might be worth considering if it would not be sensible to integrate China into the structure of the G8.' 'Russia,' he explained, 'is part of that. It is an important country. China is not unimportant.' The message to China is unmistakable. Less than six months ago, the leader of the biggest industrial power in Europe travelled to China on behalf of Nato and the European Union to beg forgiveness for the accidental bombing of Beijing's embassy in Belgrade. Now he is back with an offer to include Beijing at the world's top diplomatic table.
If reports attributed to sources within the chancellor's delegation are to be believed, he will even be able to bring news of support for his initiative from the Russians and the French, who reacted positively to his statement. There is no evidence so far of the US position.
Knowing China's concern to be included in the world's most prestigious and influential decision-making forums, Mr Schroeder believes he has pulled off a diplomatic coup. Although Beijing may interpret the G8 offer as a token of Europe's humble gratitude for the return to normal diplomatic relations, it will be presented domestically as a statesmanlike and magnanimous gesture to an important but still junior partner.
The absence of any obvious prior consultation with Washington, Tokyo or London means membership of the G8 is not in Mr Schroeder's gift.
Nonetheless the experience of Kosovo, the Gulf War, Cambodia and even East Timor have proved to every G8 member the importance of winning China's support, or at least acquiescence, in any new international venture.
China will recognise that by throwing this proposal into the public domain in this way, the German leader has given his partners no choice but to consider the matter seriously. Mr Schroeder also hopes to ensure Beijing is well-disposed to German exports and to the high-powered delegation of German businessmen travelling with him.
Like his predecessor, Helmut Kohl, the chancellor is keen to back his country's drive for a share of the Chinese market and its often lucrative government projects.
The chancellor must steer a careful middle course. The goodwill he has generated by his offer on the G8 should send a positive signal to China and the rest of East Asia that Germany means business. But at the same time it gives him more scope to deliver less welcome messages on human rights.
His own party and coalition partners the Green Party will expect him to make as much use of that opportunity as possible, not to hide behind the interests of big business.
Jonathan Braude is the Post's Berlin correspondent
