The downfall of Zhou Yongkang , Xu Caihou and Ling made 2014 a milestone year in China's corruption purge. With no sign of a slowdown, the authorities have this year turned their attention to the "tigers" in the military. A total of 30 senior officers have been placed under investigation, the Central Military Commission said in two lists announced separately on February 15 and March 2.

Such concerted efforts show the Communist Party is in for the long haul; this will be no short-lived campaign. As such, the party must maintain its zero tolerance for corruption, reducing it where it exists, and preventing its emergence where oversight is weak.

After all, the party is fighting to win over public opinion, and for its own survival.

When it comes to corruption, China's twin focus on enforcement and prevention is necessary. Though many corrupt officials have been caught in the past two years, the country is far from rooting out the scourge; for every dirty official caught, another takes his place.

Nevertheless, it's important to keep the pressure on, not just as a way to warn off potential criminals, but also to buy time for anti-corruption officers to reform and improve the governance system, so that officials either have no reason to turn to corruption, or they won't dare to. And those who do flout the rules must be made to face the law.

Taking a zero-tolerance attitude towards corruption won't mean its complete eradication, of course. How a society deals with corruption reflects the development of its civilisation, and corruption itself is a byproduct of social progress. Thus, while we must be clear-eyed about the scale of the problem, there is no need to be overly pessimistic.

Zero tolerance means the regulator must do its best to expose wrongdoing, and punish all those found to be guilty, with no exception. Otherwise, it will be fighting a losing battle.

If enforcement is difficult work, prevention will be even harder. This requires not only the authorities' resolve to crack down on malfeasance, but also the establishment of an accountability system that ensures effective oversight of those in power. This is the foundation of a root cure of the corruption rot.

A root cure involves systemic change. Apart from the eight rules on official behaviour aimed at cutting extravagance and waste, as well as efforts to overhaul officials' salaries and compensation, the crackdown on corruption itself may guide the government on changes needed.

For example, numerous modifications to the party disciplinary apparatus have been made over the past two years, thanks to the problems unveiled by the disciplinary commission's relentless corruption crackdown.

A larger framework of governance that encourages official propriety will in the end require comprehensive reform of China's political and economic systems. This means putting limits on power; reducing opportunities for rent-seeking; streamlining and redrawing the scope of administrative functions; and allowing the market to play a key role in resource allocation.

For two years, the anti-corruption crackdown has been shadowed by all kinds of doubts and speculation. These must be debunked.

There are those who say the crackdown is damaging the reputation and image of the Chinese government, thus benefiting the anti-government forces. Such talk has no credibility and must be refuted.

Yet others have claimed that the crackdown will add to pressures on the economy, which is already suffering a slowdown amid a wrenching restructuring. This also flies in the face of facts. Our slowing economy stems from both cyclical and structural causes that have little to do with the crackdown; in fact, one could argue that, by muddling the relationship between the government and private sector, corruption is a cause of our economic problems.

The corruption crackdown will - and must - continue. Corrupt officials who hope to be spared should stop harbouring such fantasies.