The Sino-British relationship needs more pragmatic engagement, not less
- Beijing and London have in the past built a relationship guided by a more realistic understanding of their differences in values, and must do so again
- Distrust is impeding cooperation on issues of common interest, and is detrimental to Britain’s efforts, post Brexit, to navigate a global economy in which China is a central player
While accepting that there are legitimate concerns and points of critical difference, both the UK and China should not overlook the many positives that remain in what is an important relationship for both, from economic links to climate change – especially when both probably have more tangible reasons than ever to talk to each other.
A greater engagement in its sphere of influence would require, if not a more cordial, then a deeper and more nuanced relationship, especially if the UK is to successfully build and leverage its connections with regional hubs, in particular Singapore and Hong Kong.
Prime Minister Boris Johnson has described himself as a Sinophile. His government is instinctively pragmatic and is not as yet guided by a strategic China policy – it remains, to a significant degree, a relationship shaped by economic interest. This should suit Beijing.
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Britain was the first Western country to recognise the People’s Republic of China (in 1950), and to establish full diplomatic ties with Beijing (in 1972). John Major, as UK prime minister, was the first world leader to visit Beijing when it was in the diplomatic cold after the Tiananmen massacres in 1989.
The UK then, along with the US, made the case for China’s membership of the World Trade Organization. More recently, the UK was happy to be framed as China’s “best partner in the West” and was the first G7 country to join the Chinese-founded Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, in 2015, despite US displeasure.
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The problem for the Chinese message in Britain is that it can all too easily be misinterpreted. There is a lack of objective and trusted voices. Official statements are unlikely to go far with a public that is intrinsically distrustful of officialdom. This is exacerbated by sharp differences in political culture, language and tone.
There is also the danger that China will misconstrue the position of the UK. Issues like Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Taiwan and the South China Sea, which are for China issues of sovereignty, are understood by Britain as important issues of international law and human rights. China may view the UK as relentlessly critical and too beholden to the US.
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Resetting a more realistic and balanced narrative cannot be achieved by Britain or China on their own. The two countries need to be realistic about each other, and not fall into the trap of trying to deal with partners they wish for rather than the ones that actually exist. There is a danger at the moment that too strong a focus on an ideal will limit what is achievable.
While others have tended to look at China with a view to shaping it in ways that suit them, the UK has always taken a more pragmatic view. We need to see it come back soon, and engagement is the best way to make sure that’s what happens.
Kerry Brown is a former British diplomat in Beijing, professor of Chinese Studies and director of the Lau China Institute at King’s College, London. Evan Fowler, a Hongkonger, is an independent researcher on Hong Kong and China affairs, and an associate fellow at the Henry Jackson Society (UK)