As China invests in developing Islamic economies, it must steer clear of sensitive identity politics

China’s investments and cultural push risk upsetting socioeconomic fragilities, as seen in Malaysia’s ‘green wave’
To avoid this, Beijing must keep its projects corruption-free, promote equitable growth and learn from Islamic culture, starting with its Muslim minority at home

Peter T. C. Chang

Published: 1:00am, 16 Feb 2023

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President Xi Jinping’s December state visit to Saudi Arabia marked a milestone in the improving relations between China and the Islamic world. But recent events in Malaysia suggest that China must not only strive for “common prosperity” but also strengthen its cultural bonds with Islamic civilisation.

After waiting for decades, Anwar Ibrahim is finally prime minister of Malaysia. But the reformist leader faces a formidable political opposition led by the Islamist Parti Islam se-Malaysia (PAS) and resistance against perceived threats to the country’s Islamic way of life. This “green wave” is strongest in the northern and eastern states of the Malay Peninsula, highlighting the rural-urban divide.

The conservative resurgence reflects the Islamic world’s struggle with secular modernity. But the rural-urban divide also underscores a common fault line in developing countries – uneven socioeconomic development. Inequality in wealth distribution and limited social mobility, particularly among young people, is hindering the smooth transition of developing countries into the fourth industrial age.

Herein lies the risks for China: its expanding economic footprint could exacerbate the developing world’s fragile socioeconomic landscape. To promote balanced development, China must ensure its investments bring a socioeconomic uplift to all.

To achieve this, good governance is crucial. Corruption has weakened developing economies. PAS’ electoral success was due to voters’ rejection of the graft-tainted Umno, once Malaysia’s dominant party. China must be careful not to add to this problem. Like with its domestic anti-corruption campaign, Beijing must maintain clean operations abroad.

To reduce the urban-rural economic gap, China should invest its capital strategically. The East Coast Rail link project in Malaysia is a good example of China’s expertise driving growth in an underdeveloped region. Xi’s directive to prioritise “people-centred development” is an important shift that will promote a more equitable growth.

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A young and underskilled population is another source of instability in developing countries like Malaysia. As a technological superpower, China should prioritise the transfer of technology and equip the workforce in these countries for the fourth industrial revolution.

In Malaysia, there is a perception that the ethnic Chinese minority has substantial control over the economy. China’s rise may exacerbate this feeling. Projects such as the Forest City in Johor, designed to attract the wealthy from China, could worsen these worries. It is important for Beijing to prevent further socioeconomic division along ethnic lines.

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Unlike in other countries, the Chinese diaspora in Malaysia has retained its language and religious traditions. But Malaysia’s unique multiculturalism has the unintended effect of impeding efforts to forge a unifying national identity.

This has led to resentment among some who view it as a threat to Malay cultural heritage. The PAS-led green wave is driven by a mixture of ethnic and religious sentiment, aimed at preserving indigenous Malay culture and the Islamic way of life.

This highlights the challenges facing China’s rise as a civilisational power. Beijing’s soft power campaign has received mixed reactions. Its Confucius Institutes have faced widespread opposition and criticism in the West. Though less controversial, the Confucius Institute in Malaysia, with its Chinese-language programme, could also become embroiled in the country’s sensitive identity politics.

Malaysia’s case sheds light on the shortcomings of China’s soft power effort. Without question, for multiculturalism to be successful, Malaysians of all races must continue to foster trust and understanding through cross-cultural engagement and mutual learning.

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Herein lies one criticism of China’s civilisation campaign – its one-sided approach. While Beijing focuses on promoting Chinese culture globally, there is little commensurate effort to learn from and embrace other cultures.

During Xi’s visit to Saudi Arabia, he referenced the prophet Mohammad’s call to seek knowledge from the East, and the Saudi minister of education promised to teach the Chinese language in the kingdom. But to establish mutual trust, China must also make a reciprocal commitment to learn about and understand Arabic culture.

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A peculiar trait of Chinese civilisation is its insularity. China is a land of diverse religiosity, such as Buddhism, Christianity and Islam. But these were mostly introduced by foreign emissaries and missionaries. Imperial China rarely ventured beyond its borders and displayed little interest in the outside world.

One notable exception was Zheng He, whose 15th century voyages reached the Arabian peninsula. In 2013, President Xi drew inspiration from these expeditions in launching the Belt and Road Initiative.

Xi should also emphasise Zheng He’s civilisational significance. As a Hui Muslim, the admiral reportedly played a role in preserving the Islamic presence in the periphery kingdoms, including the Malacca Sultanate.

The Hui Muslims, situated between the Confucian and Islamic milieu, were pioneering bridge-builders who translated the Koran into Chinese, the Han Kitab. China today should embrace the open-mindedness of the Ming era and engage the Hui, known as “Muslims with Chinese characteristics”, to connect with the larger Islamic community.

Men wait for afternoon prayers to begin at a mosque in China’s Linxia, Gansu province, home to a large population of ethnic minority Hui Muslims, on February 1, 2018. Photo: Reuters

In 2016, China established its first overseas university, Xiamen University in Malaysia, showing its commitment to technological transfer. In addition to offering courses such as in Chinese literature and philosophy, the university should also establish a Malay studies department to research and deepen understanding of the Malay civilisation. This is a crucial step towards strengthening the bond between China and the Malay world.

Xi’s state visit to Saudi Arabia marked a significant moment in Sino-Islamic relations. However, to achieve “common prosperity” in developing countries like Malaysia, Beijing must ensure its socioeconomic power benefits everyone.

And to realise a “shared future with humankind”, China must overcome its insularity and embrace, among others, the Malay and Islamic civilisations. To coexist harmoniously, China and the world’s civilisations must continue to foster trust through mutual learning and understanding.

Peter T.C. Chang is deputy director of the Institute of China Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia